英语翻译CHANGING PRESS PARTISANSHIP:MOVING AWAY FROM READERS?Thi

英语翻译
CHANGING PRESS PARTISANSHIP:MOVING AWAY FROM READERS?
This study employed a number of indicators to measure partisanship,but the most deci-
sive is the comparison of the number of positive and negative appraisals received by each political party in press coverage.Using this measure,previous studies revealed a‘balance of partisanship’.This seemingly paradoxical phrase implied that the overall approximate balance in press coverage,achieved across the West Yorkshire region,did not result from aggregating the ‘balanced’ reporting of a number of individual newspapers but,on the contrary,reflected the partisan sentiments expressed in one newspaper being offset or neutralised by the differing political commitments of a different newspaper.In 1997,for example,the Conservative Party received 889 press appraisals,of which 308 (34.6 per cent) were positive,compared with 789 appraisals for the Labour party,of which 287 (36.4 per cent) were positive (see Table 3).Journalists would be hard pressed to produce a more equitable balance between parties in their election coverage,especially across 1,248 items of coverage reported in 25 different newspapers.But the partisan sentiments of the press became apparent when the appraisals of parties in a particular newspaper’s coverage were analysed:The Yorkshire Post in 1997,for example,was strongly supportive of the Conservatives.This ‘balance of partisanship has not been sustained in press reporting of the 2001 election,disrupting a pattern of election coverage evident since 1987.
In 2001,the West Yorkshire press reported the Conservative Party more favourably than the Labour Party.The Conservatives received an aggregate 751 appraisals,of which 345 (45.9 per cent) were positive compared with Labour’s overall 1,245 appraisals,of which only 462 (37.1 per cent) were positive.The Labour Party received considerably more press attention than the Conservatives (494 appraisals) but a substantial proportion of these (377 [76.3 percent]) were critical.The shift in favour of the Conservatives,which occurred in this balance of partisanship,in 2001 is illustrated neatly in Table 3.
What is noteworthy here is that this move away from ‘balanced partisanship’ towards a more notable support for the Conservative Party in these local papers occurred at a time of unprecedented national newspaper support for Labour (Wring 2002).Moreover,all of the constituencies in the study had returned Labour candidates in the 1997 election and were fielding labour incumbents in 2001; in short,local newspapers were at odds with the expressed partisanship of the voters in their circulation areas.

变更杂志报纸党派性:移动远离读者?
这一项研究雇用了许多的指示器测量党派性 ,但是最大多数的分-sive 是实在和否定的数字比较被杂志报纸报导的每个政党收到的评价.使用这尺寸,早先的研究显示了党派性的‘平衡'.这表面上似非而是的片语暗示被达成过约克郡 区域西部的杂志报纸报导的全部大约的平衡,不起因于聚集被平衡的‘' 许多的个别报纸的报告但是,在相反者身上,反映效忠的情绪在一份报纸中表达身为抵销或使中立被那不一致一份不同的报纸政治上的承诺.在 1997 年,举例来说,保守党收到了 889个杂志报纸评价,其中 308(34.6 每一分) 是积极的,为工党与 789个评价相较,其中 287(36.4 每一分) 是积极的.(表 3) 新闻记者会对生产他们的选举报导的在宴会之间的较公平的平衡是很难,尤其横过报导的 1,248个项目在 25份不同的报纸中.但是当在一个特别的报纸报导中的宴会评价被分析的时候新闻媒体的效忠情绪变成明显:约克郡 职位在 1997 年,举例来说,强烈地保守者是支持的.党派性的这‘平衡没有在杂志报纸 2001 选举的报告中被维持,打乱选举报导的一个式样显然的自从 1987 以后.
在 2001 年,西的约克郡 新闻媒体保守党更可赞同比较工党.保守者收到了一个合计 751个评价,345(45.9 每一分) 是积极的与工党的全部 1,245个评价相较,其中只有 462(37.1 每一分) 是积极的.工党多收到非常地杂志报纸注意比较那保守的 (494个评价) 但是一个重要部份比例这些 (377[76.3%]) 是紧要关头的.变化支持保守者,在党派性的这平衡方面发生,在 2001 年在表 3 中被整洁地举例说明.
值得注目的这里是什么是那一次这一次移动远离‘平衡了党派性' 对工党在空前的国家报纸支持的时候向对这些地方性的纸保守党的更值得注意的支持发生.(扭绞 2002) 而且,研究的所有选民都已经退还 1997 选举的工党候选人而且退还在 2001 年是守备劳工领圣职的俸禄牧师;简而言之,地方性的报纸以他们的循环区域的选民被表达的党派性不合.