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求一篇关于美国总统威尔逊的英文简介,着重于他对世界和平事业所尽之力.(500字左右）谢谢!
War Message
Woodrow Wilson's War Message was delivered on April 2, 1917. This day he had stood up before Congress and delivered his historic speech.[80]
President Wilson delivering his war message before Congress. April 2, 1917.April 2 was a cold and rainy day in Washington and thousands of supporters gathered to support President Wilson. Wilson had slept very little the night before but still spent the day reading over his address with Colonel House, a close friend, as they reworded and corrected the speech. That evening Wilson made his way to the State, War and Navy Building to discuss the war proclamation. At approximately 8:30 p.m. President Wilson was introduced to Congress. He walked to the rostrum and arranged his papers of his speech in a particular order on the podium. The applause that he received was the greatest that President Wilson had ever received in front of Congress. He waited impatiently for the applause to die down before he started his address. He had an intense look on his face and remained intense and almost motionless for the entire speech, only raising one arm as his only bodily movement.[81]
In President Wilson’s war message presented to Congress, he addressed a few main points to Congress about why the United States was required to enter the war. He first brought to their attention that the Imperial German Government had announced that it would begin using its submarines to sink any vessel approaching the ports of Great Britain, Ireland or any of the Western Coasts of Europe. Wilson’s main concern was not that ships or any type of property were being damaged, but that innocent lives were being taken in these attacks by the Germans. Wilson announced that even though his previous thought was to remain in an “armed neutrality” state, it had become evident that this was no longer a practical tactic. He advised Congress to declare that the recent course of action taken by the Imperial German Government to be nothing less than war.
Wilson continues on to state that the object of this war was to “vindicate principles of peace and justice in the life of the world as against selfish and autocratic power...” He also describes the other undermining attacks on the U.S. by the German government by pointing out that they had “filled our unsuspecting communities and even our offices of government with spies and set criminal intrigues everywhere afoot against our national unity of counsel, our peace within and without our industries and our commerce.” The United States had also intercepted a telegram sent to the German ambassador in Mexico City which provided evidence that Germany meant to persuade Mexico to attack the U.S., hence Wilson states that the German government “means to stir up enemies against us at our very doors.”
Wilson ends his address to Congress with the statement that the world must be again safe for democracy.[82]
Once he ended his War message in front of the joint houses of congress, the place loudly roared in applause. Wilson’s speech was not just for Congress but for the American public.
[edit] Opponents of war
Of the thousands of supporters in Washington that day “Hundreds carried little American flags. The very atmosphere was explosive with excitement.” According to Senator Robert M. La Follette, Sr. of Wisconsin, many were opposed to the war. In the three to four days that Congress had to decide whether to declare war or not, several telegrams and petitions were wired to him in Washington expressing disagreement with going to war. Senator Robert La Follette was one of only six senators who voted against the decision to go to war. Republican Senator George W. Norris of Nebraska was also opposed to entry into the war. Norris stated:
“I am most emphatically and sincerely opposed to taking any step that will force our country into the useless and senseless war now being waged in Europe...” He provided reasonable examples of how the United States is unfair in declaring war on Germany. One of his examples was that the British had declared a war zone on November 4th and America had submitted to it, but when Germany declared a war zone on February 4th America had opposed it. Both of them had violated international law and interfered with our neutral rights, and America only acts against Germany and not both. Again, he finds evidence where there are “Many instances of cruelty and inhumanity (that) can be found on both sides”. Norris believed that the government only wanted to take part in this war because the wealthy had already aided British financially in the war. He told Congress that the only people who would benefit from the war were “munition manufacturers, stockbrokers, and bond dealers”. He presented evidence to the Congress as a letter written by a member of the New York Stock Exchange. He concluded from his evidence that “Here we have the man representing the class of people who will be made prosperous should we become entangled in the present war, who have already made millions of dollars, and who will make many hundreds of millions more if we get into the war”. George W. Norris’s concludes that it is not worth going to war just to benefit the rich and to “deliver munitions of war to belligerent nations”. “War brings no prosperity to the great mass of common and patriotic citizens. It increases the cost of living of those who toil and those who already must strain every effort to keep soul and body together. War brings prosperity to the stock gambler on Wall Street--to those who are already in possession of more wealth than can be realized or enjoyed”. [8] [83]
Robert M. La Follette’s main argument echoed Norris. LaFollette also believed the reputation of America would deteriorate:
“When we cooperate with those governments, we endorse their methods; we endorse the violations of international law by Great Britain; we endorse the shameful methods of warfare against which we have again and again protested in this war”. He also gave recognition to Woodrow Wilson’s speech and how Wilson aimed towards his audience’s feelings. He criticized Wilson that “In many places throughout the address is this exalted sentiment given expression. It is a sentiment peculiarly calculated to appeal to American hearts and, when accompanied by acts consistent with it, is certain to receive our support”.[84]
Despite what Norris and La Follette had to say, Congress had made a declaration of war on April 4, 1917.
[edit] The Fourteen Points
Wikisource has original text related to this article:
Fourteen Points
Main article: Fourteen Points
Woodrow Wilson's Speech in Congress: January 8, 1918Wilson articulated what became known as the Fourteen Points before Congress on January 8, 1918. The Points were the only war aims clearly expressed by any belligerent nation and became the basis for the Treaty of Versailles following the war. The speech—mostly written by Walter Lippmann, was highly idealistic, translating Wilson's progressive domestic policy of democracy, self-determination, open agreements, and free trade into the international realm. The points were:
Abolition of secret treaties
Freedom of the seas
Free Trade
Disarmament
Adjustment of colonial claims (decolonization and national self-determination)
Russia to be assured independent development and international withdrawal from occupied Russian territory
Restoration of Belgium to antebellum national status
Alsace-Lorraine returned to France from Germany
Italian borders redrawn on lines of nationality
Autonomous development of Austria-Hungary as a nation, as the Austro-Hungarian Empire dissolved
Romania, Serbia, Montenegro, and other Balkan states to be granted integrity, have their territories de-occupied, and Serbia to be given access to the Adriatic Sea
Sovereignty for the Turkish people of the Ottoman Empire as the Empire dissolved, autonomous development for other nationalities within the former Empire
Establishment of an independent Poland with access to the sea
General association of the nations – a multilateral international association of nations to enforce the peace (League of Nations)[85]
France wanted high reparations from Germany as French agriculture, industry, and lives had been so demolished by the war; and Britain, as the great naval power, did not want freedom of the seas. Wilson had to compromise with France's Clemenceau and Britain's Lloyd George at the Paris Peace talks to ensure that the fourteenth point, the League of Nations, would be established. It was established but the U.S. Senate did not accept the League and the U.S. never joined.
Wilsonian idealism
Official White House portrait of Woodrow WilsonIn the opinion of historian John Cooper, Wilson was a remarkably effective writer and thinker.[99] He composed speeches and other writings with two fingers on a little Hammond typewriter.[100]
Wilson's diplomatic policies had a profound influence on shaping the world. Diplomatic historian Walter Russell Mead has explained:
"Wilson's principles survived the eclipse of the Versailles system and they still guide European politics today: self-determination, democratic government, collective security, international law, and a league of nations. Wilson may not have gotten everything he wanted at Versailles, and his treaty was never ratified by the Senate, but his vision and his diplomacy, for better or worse, set the tone for the twentieth century. France, Germany, Italy, and Britain may have sneered at Wilson, but every one of these powers today conducts its European policy along Wilsonian lines. What was once dismissed as visionary is now accepted as fundamental. This was no mean achievement, and no European statesman of the twentieth century has had as lasting, as benign, or as widespread an influence."[101]
American foreign relations since 1914 have rested on Wilsonian idealism, says historian David Kennedy, even if adjusted somewhat by the "realism" represented by Franklin Delano Roosevelt and Henry Kissinger. Kennedy argues that every president since Wilson has
"embraced the core precepts of Wilsonianism. Nixon himself hung Wilson's portrait in the White House Cabinet Room. Wilson's ideas continue to dominate American foreign policy in the twenty-first century. In the aftermath of 9/11 they have, if anything, taken on even greater vitality
Woodrow Wilson's War Message was delivered on April 2, 1917. This day he had stood up before Congress and delivered his historic speech.[80]
President Wilson delivering his war message before Congress. April 2, 1917.April 2 was a cold and rainy day in Washington and thousands of supporters gathered to support President Wilson. Wilson had slept very little the night before but still spent the day reading over his address with Colonel House, a close friend, as they reworded and corrected the speech. That evening Wilson made his way to the State, War and Navy Building to discuss the war proclamation. At approximately 8:30 p.m. President Wilson was introduced to Congress. He walked to the rostrum and arranged his papers of his speech in a particular order on the podium. The applause that he received was the greatest that President Wilson had ever received in front of Congress. He waited impatiently for the applause to die down before he started his address. He had an intense look on his face and remained intense and almost motionless for the entire speech, only raising one arm as his only bodily movement.[81]
In President Wilson’s war message presented to Congress, he addressed a few main points to Congress about why the United States was required to enter the war. He first brought to their attention that the Imperial German Government had announced that it would begin using its submarines to sink any vessel approaching the ports of Great Britain, Ireland or any of the Western Coasts of Europe. Wilson’s main concern was not that ships or any type of property were being damaged, but that innocent lives were being taken in these attacks by the Germans. Wilson announced that even though his previous thought was to remain in an “armed neutrality” state, it had become evident that this was no longer a practical tactic. He advised Congress to declare that the recent course of action taken by the Imperial German Government to be nothing less than war.
Wilson continues on to state that the object of this war was to “vindicate principles of peace and justice in the life of the world as against selfish and autocratic power...” He also describes the other undermining attacks on the U.S. by the German government by pointing out that they had “filled our unsuspecting communities and even our offices of government with spies and set criminal intrigues everywhere afoot against our national unity of counsel, our peace within and without our industries and our commerce.” The United States had also intercepted a telegram sent to the German ambassador in Mexico City which provided evidence that Germany meant to persuade Mexico to attack the U.S., hence Wilson states that the German government “means to stir up enemies against us at our very doors.”
Wilson ends his address to Congress with the statement that the world must be again safe for democracy.[82]
Once he ended his War message in front of the joint houses of congress, the place loudly roared in applause. Wilson’s speech was not just for Congress but for the American public.
[edit] Opponents of war
Of the thousands of supporters in Washington that day “Hundreds carried little American flags. The very atmosphere was explosive with excitement.” According to Senator Robert M. La Follette, Sr. of Wisconsin, many were opposed to the war. In the three to four days that Congress had to decide whether to declare war or not, several telegrams and petitions were wired to him in Washington expressing disagreement with going to war. Senator Robert La Follette was one of only six senators who voted against the decision to go to war. Republican Senator George W. Norris of Nebraska was also opposed to entry into the war. Norris stated:
“I am most emphatically and sincerely opposed to taking any step that will force our country into the useless and senseless war now being waged in Europe...” He provided reasonable examples of how the United States is unfair in declaring war on Germany. One of his examples was that the British had declared a war zone on November 4th and America had submitted to it, but when Germany declared a war zone on February 4th America had opposed it. Both of them had violated international law and interfered with our neutral rights, and America only acts against Germany and not both. Again, he finds evidence where there are “Many instances of cruelty and inhumanity (that) can be found on both sides”. Norris believed that the government only wanted to take part in this war because the wealthy had already aided British financially in the war. He told Congress that the only people who would benefit from the war were “munition manufacturers, stockbrokers, and bond dealers”. He presented evidence to the Congress as a letter written by a member of the New York Stock Exchange. He concluded from his evidence that “Here we have the man representing the class of people who will be made prosperous should we become entangled in the present war, who have already made millions of dollars, and who will make many hundreds of millions more if we get into the war”. George W. Norris’s concludes that it is not worth going to war just to benefit the rich and to “deliver munitions of war to belligerent nations”. “War brings no prosperity to the great mass of common and patriotic citizens. It increases the cost of living of those who toil and those who already must strain every effort to keep soul and body together. War brings prosperity to the stock gambler on Wall Street--to those who are already in possession of more wealth than can be realized or enjoyed”. [8] [83]
Robert M. La Follette’s main argument echoed Norris. LaFollette also believed the reputation of America would deteriorate:
“When we cooperate with those governments, we endorse their methods; we endorse the violations of international law by Great Britain; we endorse the shameful methods of warfare against which we have again and again protested in this war”. He also gave recognition to Woodrow Wilson’s speech and how Wilson aimed towards his audience’s feelings. He criticized Wilson that “In many places throughout the address is this exalted sentiment given expression. It is a sentiment peculiarly calculated to appeal to American hearts and, when accompanied by acts consistent with it, is certain to receive our support”.[84]
Despite what Norris and La Follette had to say, Congress had made a declaration of war on April 4, 1917.
[edit] The Fourteen Points
Wikisource has original text related to this article:
Fourteen Points
Main article: Fourteen Points
Woodrow Wilson's Speech in Congress: January 8, 1918Wilson articulated what became known as the Fourteen Points before Congress on January 8, 1918. The Points were the only war aims clearly expressed by any belligerent nation and became the basis for the Treaty of Versailles following the war. The speech—mostly written by Walter Lippmann, was highly idealistic, translating Wilson's progressive domestic policy of democracy, self-determination, open agreements, and free trade into the international realm. The points were:
Abolition of secret treaties
Freedom of the seas
Free Trade
Disarmament
Adjustment of colonial claims (decolonization and national self-determination)
Russia to be assured independent development and international withdrawal from occupied Russian territory
Restoration of Belgium to antebellum national status
Alsace-Lorraine returned to France from Germany
Italian borders redrawn on lines of nationality
Autonomous development of Austria-Hungary as a nation, as the Austro-Hungarian Empire dissolved
Romania, Serbia, Montenegro, and other Balkan states to be granted integrity, have their territories de-occupied, and Serbia to be given access to the Adriatic Sea
Sovereignty for the Turkish people of the Ottoman Empire as the Empire dissolved, autonomous development for other nationalities within the former Empire
Establishment of an independent Poland with access to the sea
General association of the nations – a multilateral international association of nations to enforce the peace (League of Nations)[85]
France wanted high reparations from Germany as French agriculture, industry, and lives had been so demolished by the war; and Britain, as the great naval power, did not want freedom of the seas. Wilson had to compromise with France's Clemenceau and Britain's Lloyd George at the Paris Peace talks to ensure that the fourteenth point, the League of Nations, would be established. It was established but the U.S. Senate did not accept the League and the U.S. never joined.
Wilsonian idealism
Official White House portrait of Woodrow WilsonIn the opinion of historian John Cooper, Wilson was a remarkably effective writer and thinker.[99] He composed speeches and other writings with two fingers on a little Hammond typewriter.[100]
Wilson's diplomatic policies had a profound influence on shaping the world. Diplomatic historian Walter Russell Mead has explained:
"Wilson's principles survived the eclipse of the Versailles system and they still guide European politics today: self-determination, democratic government, collective security, international law, and a league of nations. Wilson may not have gotten everything he wanted at Versailles, and his treaty was never ratified by the Senate, but his vision and his diplomacy, for better or worse, set the tone for the twentieth century. France, Germany, Italy, and Britain may have sneered at Wilson, but every one of these powers today conducts its European policy along Wilsonian lines. What was once dismissed as visionary is now accepted as fundamental. This was no mean achievement, and no European statesman of the twentieth century has had as lasting, as benign, or as widespread an influence."[101]
American foreign relations since 1914 have rested on Wilsonian idealism, says historian David Kennedy, even if adjusted somewhat by the "realism" represented by Franklin Delano Roosevelt and Henry Kissinger. Kennedy argues that every president since Wilson has
"embraced the core precepts of Wilsonianism. Nixon himself hung Wilson's portrait in the White House Cabinet Room. Wilson's ideas continue to dominate American foreign policy in the twenty-first century. In the aftermath of 9/11 they have, if anything, taken on even greater vitality